January 14, 2026
Suspicion of Tymoshenko: bribes to people's deputies or NABU's revenge thumbnail
Ukraine News Today

Suspicion of Tymoshenko: bribes to people’s deputies or NABU’s revenge

Late in the evening of January 13, the light was still on in the window of the main office in the office of “Batkivshchyna” – “she worked”. Suddenly, several minibuses stopped at the gate of the party building on Turivska Street.

The employees of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office jumped out of their bussies and headed to the Batkivshchyna office.

All night, anti-corruption officers conducted searches, and in the morning, around 8 am, they informed the permanent leader of the party, Yulia Tymoshenko, about suspicion of offering a bribe. This did not prevent the police, who were called by the sponsor of Kyiv “Batkivshchyna” Bondarev, to record the “attack on the office”.

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Tymoshenko rejects the accusations, names the case “political order” and dramatically compares anti-corruption officers with Yanukovych’s “stormtroopers”.

The leader of “Batkivshchyna” claims that during the searches, the NABUshniks and SAP members they took her work phones, parliamentary documents and a package of “personally declared savings”. In addition, investigators also searched the office of Tymoshenko’s deputy, People’s Deputy Serhiy Vlasenko, who was not in the country.

By the way, Vlasenko in the summer of 2025 led a temporary investigative commission in the Council, whose members de jure were supposed to investigate possible facts of corruption in law enforcement and judicial bodies. But the de facto work of TSK Vlasenko gradually turned into a witch hunt in the anti-corruption sector.

The lion’s share of the “Fatherland” faction voted “for” in July last year liquidation of the independence of NABU and SAP. Then Yuliya Volodymyrivna herself gave a speech speech about “external management”, which after the closure of Medvedchuk’s channels is nowhere to be seen. When it came to the return of the NABU/SAP powers, Tymoshenko defiantly did not vote.

So now the leader of “Batkivshchyna” announced the investigative actions against her as “revenge” of anti-corruption officers. Is this really what is hidden behind searches in the office of “Batkivshchyna”? What is currently known about the suspicion of Tymoshenko and who could “hand over” Yulia Volodymyrivna to NABU detectives and SAP prosecutors, Ukrainian Pravda reports.

Anti-corruptionists vs Tymoshenko “Once a month, this is a constant story for every person. For us, one month is two sessions. That is, we pay “ten” for two sessions. If we agree with you today, we will fix who is with you. I will give you as cash.” – says a woman with a voice similar to Tymoshenko’s on the NABU and SAP tapes.

The conversation on the published audio recordings took place on the eve of the vote for personnel changes in the government – January 12. Anti-corruption agents worked like lightning – “covered” the leader of “Batkivshchyna” the day after the possible commission of the crime.

On the tapes, according to the investigators, the suspect promises to hand over money to the interlocutor and his (her?) “partners” on the very evening when the search took place. But instead of a deputy, NABU and SAP came with a package of 40,000 dollars.

Official line Tymoshenko is unchanged:

“The released audio recordings have nothing to do with me. I reject all the accusations and, as always, I will prove their baselessness in court.”

Instead, NABU and SAP claim that “the suspect initiated negotiations with individual people’s deputies regarding the introduction of a systemic mechanism for providing undue benefits in exchange for loyal behavior during voting.”

Using words from parliamentary slang, Tymoshenko planned to take several deputies “on base” in order to be able to control their votes.

According to the investigation, it was about a proposal regular cooperation over a long period. People’s deputies were to be given instructions on exactly how to vote – “for” or “against”. In the latter case, they could “abstain” or not press any of the buttons at all.

“The main thing is that there is no voice”, as the woman from the films explains in a whisper.

Tymoshenko and “based” deputies had to conduct important communication in the “Signal” messenger. And, judging by the NABU video, the first instructions from Tymoshenko even managed to arrive on the issue of personnel appointments on January 13.

But already on the 14th, the parliament session began with a pathetically dramatic speech by the owner of suspicion and concurrently the leader of “Batkivshchyna”.

Despite the dramatic nature inherent in Tymoshenko’s speeches, there were alarming statements about the actions of NABU in her speech:

I asked: do you have a court decision? Or maybe the prosecutors wrote something? Or maybe any document you have? The head of the group said: “There are no documents and there is no need, because these are special investigative actions that do not require anything.” I say: “Do you have anything?”. He showed an extract from the unified register in his phone…”

Tymoshenko also mentioned the searches in the office of Vlasenko, a fellow member of the party and the acting People’s Deputy, which were allegedly not authorized by any document, and he himself was in Europe both at the time of the alleged crime and at the time of the search:

“They ask me: “And where is Vlasenko’s office?” I say: “What about Vlasenko? You came to see me.” “No,” he says, “we still want to see what Vlasenko is doing in his office.” Well, you know that Vlasenko heads the temporary investigative commission on violations in law enforcement agencies.

I say: “He is in PACE. When he returns, you can come and search.” “Give me the key to his office,” he says, “If you don’t give the key, we’ll smash this door.” As a result, we found the key to Vlasenko’s office somewhere at the fire stations, opened it, and said: “Come in.” They came in, overturned the entire office there, took all the flash drives from him there, everything that was there.”

It is quite predictable what Vlasenko called searches anti-corruptionists revenge for the established public position regarding NABU-SAP-VAKS and the political position on voting in the summer for known laws that reduced the possibility of NABU-SAP to engage in “distribution”.

However, no matter how traumatic the flashbacks due to the searches were for Yulia Volodymyrivna, the tragedy in her words sounds somewhat false. Perhaps because the suspect herself understands that the pressure of anti-corruption agents and the presence of their agent from among the deputies in the case make the situation threatening.

After all, it seems that this time it is not about the removal of a political competitor, as was the case under Kuchma Yanukovychand about banal bargaining under the dome of the highest legislative body.

“Slam the majority” The main question that people’s deputies of different factions tried to find an answer to on Wednesday was between appointments ministersconsisted in the fact – who betrayed Tymoshenko?

Neither the “servants” nor the other factions had accurate data. Some of the deputies, with whom the UP spoke in the Council, were convinced that the leader of “Batkivshchyna” was betrayed by deputy Lyudmila Buimister. He said, it was no coincidence that it was on the day of Tymoshenko’s suspicion left her faction.

But historypublished in NABU records, contradicts this version.

From the conversation on the tapes, it turns out that the person with the voice, scho pressure on Tymoshenko, speaks of the beginning (!) of cooperation with the leader of the group of three deputies. The motivation of all this is voiced initiatives sounds like this – “we want to smash this majority”. It would be very strange to count on the collapse of the coalition, buying the vote of a person in one’s own faction.

If the published records are true, they record the suspect’s attempt to attract someone from the periphery of “Servants of the People” into her orbit. If successful, this could make it possible to “turn off” part of the votes of the monomajority during critical votes and shake it from the inside.

What’s more, after a dozen conversations between the UP and the “servants”, it can be said for sure: the faction is convinced that NABU did not just write to Tymoshenko at some location. The investigators had an agent – one of the deputies, who helped to document “the leader of one of the parliamentary factions”.

Understanding this, the leaders of the presidential faction spent the whole day trying to figure out who here in the ranks of “Servants of the People” signed up as NABU agents.

Because, on the one hand, the person helped the faction, not allowing himself to be bribed. But, on the other hand, “Sluza” does not understand whether someone from their faction could also have been caught on tape by the Anti-Corruption Bureau.

Someone in the faction is thinking of people’s deputy Serhii Kuzminykh, someone is thinking of another person involved in NABU affairs Oleksiy Kuznetsov, there are many versions.

“We are looking for it ourselves. It could have been every other person. I think they cooperate so as not to sit down themselves. And the NABUshniks now have someone to choose from.” – half-ironically answers one of the influential “servants” in a conversation with UP.

This answer is only half ironic, because indeed, almost a few dozen deputies of “SN” in one way or another appear in criminal anti-corruption cases. The last high-profile story – suspicions of NABU to several “servants” just for supposedly voting in exchange for additional payments “in envelopes”. But until now it was about intra-party stimulation.

Suspicion of Tymoshenko brings the situation with the “hiring of servants” to a general political level.

For several weeks now, sometime since the end of November, the leaders of the presidential faction have been complaining in conversations with the UP that political kites have started circling around their deputies. As soon as Zelensky seriously talked about the elections, and Yermak lost his position, the campaign began with dismantling of monomajority.

Some drag deputies within the faction into their autonomous subgroups, which can disrupt some “fat” votes.

For example, on January 13, Rada failed the assignment of the Ministers of Defense and Energy partly due to poor discipline in “Sluza”, and partly due to sabotage of the so-called “Pavlyuk’s group” in “SN”which has significantly increased in the number of deputies recently.

If Tymoshenko’s accusations turn out to be true, it will be another argument for the thesis that someone is seriously and systematically working on the process of “crashing the monomajority”.

And not only She.

Roman Romaniuk, Angelina Strashkulych, UP

”, — write: www.pravda.com.ua

Late in the evening of January 13, the light was still on in the window of the main office in the office of “Batkivshchyna” – “she worked”. Suddenly, several minibuses stopped at the gate of the party building on Turivska Street.

The employees of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office jumped out of their bussies and headed to the Batkivshchyna office.

All night, anti-corruption officers conducted searches, and in the morning, around 8 am, they informed the permanent leader of the party, Yulia Tymoshenko, about suspicion of offering a bribe. This did not prevent the police, who were called by the sponsor of Kyiv “Batkivshchyna” Bondarev, to record the “attack on the office”.

Advertising:

Tymoshenko rejects the accusations, names the case “political order” and dramatically compares anti-corruption officers with Yanukovych’s “stormtroopers”.

The leader of “Batkivshchyna” claims that during the searches, the NABUshniks and SAP members they took her work phones, parliamentary documents and a package of “personally declared savings”. In addition, investigators also searched the office of Tymoshenko’s deputy, People’s Deputy Serhiy Vlasenko, who was not in the country.

By the way, Vlasenko in the summer of 2025 led a temporary investigative commission in the Council, whose members de jure were supposed to investigate possible facts of corruption in law enforcement and judicial bodies. But the de facto work of TSK Vlasenko gradually turned into a witch hunt in the anti-corruption sector.

The lion’s share of the “Fatherland” faction voted “for” in July last year liquidation of the independence of NABU and SAP. Then Yuliya Volodymyrivna herself gave a speech speech about “external management”, which after the closure of Medvedchuk’s channels is nowhere to be seen. When it came to the return of the NABU/SAP powers, Tymoshenko defiantly did not vote.

So now the leader of “Batkivshchyna” announced the investigative actions against her as “revenge” of anti-corruption officers. Is this really what is hidden behind searches in the office of “Batkivshchyna”? What is currently known about the suspicion of Tymoshenko and who could “hand over” Yulia Volodymyrivna to NABU detectives and SAP prosecutors, Ukrainian Pravda reports.

Anti-corruptionists vs Tymoshenko “Once a month, this is a constant story for every person. For us, one month is two sessions. That is, we pay “ten” for two sessions. If we agree with you today, we will fix who is with you. I will give you as cash.” – says a woman with a voice similar to Tymoshenko’s on the NABU and SAP tapes.

The conversation on the published audio recordings took place on the eve of the vote for personnel changes in the government – January 12. Anti-corruption agents worked like lightning – “covered” the leader of “Batkivshchyna” the day after the possible commission of the crime.

On the tapes, according to the investigators, the suspect promises to hand over money to the interlocutor and his (her?) “partners” on the very evening when the search took place. But instead of a deputy, NABU and SAP came with a package of 40,000 dollars.

Official line Tymoshenko is unchanged:

“The released audio recordings have nothing to do with me. I reject all the accusations and, as always, I will prove their baselessness in court.”

Instead, NABU and SAP claim that “the suspect initiated negotiations with individual people’s deputies regarding the introduction of a systemic mechanism for providing undue benefits in exchange for loyal behavior during voting.”

Using words from parliamentary slang, Tymoshenko planned to take several deputies “on base” in order to be able to control their votes.

According to the investigation, it was about a proposal regular cooperation over a long period. People’s deputies were to be given instructions on exactly how to vote – “for” or “against”. In the latter case, they could “abstain” or not press any of the buttons at all.

“The main thing is that there is no voice”, as the woman from the films explains in a whisper.

Tymoshenko and “based” deputies had to conduct important communication in the “Signal” messenger. And, judging by the NABU video, the first instructions from Tymoshenko even managed to arrive regarding the issue of personnel appointments 13 s girl

But already on the 14th, the parliament session began with a pathetically dramatic speech by the owner of suspicion and concurrently the leader of “Batkivshchyna”.

Despite the dramatic nature inherent in Tymoshenko’s speeches, there were alarming statements about the actions of NABU in her speech:

I asked: do you have a court decision? Or maybe the prosecutors wrote something? Or maybe any document you have? The head of the group said: “There are no documents and there is no need, because these are special investigative actions that do not require anything.” I say: “Do you have anything?”. He showed an extract from the unified register in his phone…”

Tymoshenko also mentioned the searches in the office of Vlasenko, a fellow member of the party and the acting People’s Deputy, which were allegedly not authorized by any document, and he himself was in Europe both at the time of the alleged crime and at the time of the search:

“They ask me: “And where is Vlasenko’s office?” I say: “What about Vlasenko? You came to see me.” “No,” he says, “we still want to see what Vlasenko is doing in his office.” Well, you know that Vlasenko heads the temporary investigative commission on violations in law enforcement agencies.

I say: “He is in PACE. When he returns, you can come and search.” “Give me the key to his office,” he says, “If you don’t give the key, we’ll smash this door.” As a result, we found the key to Vlasenko’s office somewhere at the fire stations, opened it, and said: “Come in.” They came in, overturned the entire office there, took all the flash drives from him there, everything that was there.”

It is quite predictable what Vlasenko called searches anti-corruptionists revenge for the established public position regarding NABU-SAP-VAKS and the political position on voting in the summer for known laws that reduced the possibility of NABU-SAP to engage in “distribution”.

However, no matter how traumatic the flashbacks due to the searches were for Yulia Volodymyrivna, the tragedy in her words sounds somewhat false. Perhaps because the suspect herself understands that the pressure of anti-corruption agents and the presence of their agent from among the deputies in the case make the situation threatening.

After all, it seems that this time it is not about the removal of a political competitor, as was the case under Kuchma Yanukovychand about banal bargaining under the dome of the highest legislative body.

“Slam the majority” The main question that people’s deputies of different factions tried to find an answer to on Wednesday was between appointments ministersconsisted in the fact – who betrayed Tymoshenko?

Neither the “servants” nor the other factions had accurate data. Some of the deputies, with whom the UP spoke in the Council, were convinced that the leader of “Batkivshchyna” was betrayed by deputy Lyudmila Buimister. He said, it was no coincidence that it was on the day of Tymoshenko’s suspicion left her faction.

But historypublished in NABU records, contradicts this version.

From the conversation on the tapes, it turns out that a person with a voice similar to Tymoshenko’s is talking about the beginning (!) of cooperation with the leader of the group of three deputies. The motivation of all this is voiced initiatives sounds like this – “we want to smash this majority”. It would be very strange to count on the collapse of the coalition, buying the vote of a person in one’s own faction.

If the published records are true, they record the suspect’s attempt to attract someone from the periphery of “Servants of the People” into her orbit. If successful, this could make it possible to “turn off” part of the votes of the monomajority during critical votes and shake it from the inside.

What’s more, after a dozen conversations between the UP and the “servants”, it can be said for sure: the faction is convinced that NABU did not just write to Tymoshenko at some location. The investigators had an agent – one of the deputies, who helped to document “the leader of one of the parliamentary factions”.

Understanding this, the leaders of the presidential faction spent the whole day trying to figure out who here in the ranks of “Servants of the People” signed up as NABU agents.

Because, on the one hand, the person helped the faction, not allowing himself to be bribed. But, on the other hand, “Sluza” does not understand whether someone from their faction could also have been caught on tape by the Anti-Corruption Bureau.

Someone in the faction is thinking of people’s deputy Serhii Kuzminykh, someone is thinking of another person involved in NABU affairs Oleksiy Kuznetsov, there are many versions.

“We are looking for it ourselves. It could have been every other person. I think they cooperate so as not to sit down themselves. And the NABUshniks now have someone to choose from.” – half-ironically answers one of the influential “servants” in a conversation with UP.

This answer is only half ironic, because indeed, almost a few dozen deputies of “SN” in one way or another appear in criminal anti-corruption cases. The last high-profile story – suspicions of NABU to several “servants” just for supposedly voting in exchange for additional payments “in envelopes”. But until now it was about intra-party stimulation.

Suspicion of Tymoshenko brings the situation with the “hiring of servants” to a general political level.

For several weeks now, sometime since the end of November, the leaders of the presidential faction have been complaining in conversations with the UP that political kites have started circling around their deputies. As soon as Zelensky seriously talked about the elections, and Yermak lost his position, the campaign began with dismantling of monomajority.

Some drag deputies within the faction into their autonomous subgroups, which can disrupt some “fat” votes.

For example, on January 13, Rada failed the assignment of the Ministers of Defense and Energy partly due to poor discipline in “Sluza”, and partly due to sabotage of the so-called “Pavlyuk’s group” in “SN”which has significantly increased in the number of deputies recently.

If Tymoshenko’s accusations turn out to be true, it will be another argument for the thesis that someone is seriously and systematically working on the process of “crashing the monomajority”.

And not only She.

Roman Romaniuk, Angelina Strashkulych, UP

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