Between the front and the bust: what kind of reboot do TCCs need?

Authors:

Olena Tregub, executive director of the Independent Anti-Corruption Commission (ICAC), member of the Public Anti-Corruption Council under the Ministry of Defense

Oleksandr Vegerzhynskyi, researcher of the Independent Anti-Corruption Commission (NACO)

Despite all the critical importance of the TCC and SP system, it will not work harmoniously in Ukraine in order to satisfy (at least at the level of compromise) both involved parties – the military and the civilian population.

The system is regularly discredited by certain elements – news media sites are currently writing about bribery by employees of the TCC in Zhytomyr region, suspicion of an official in Vinnytsia region, removal of the head of the Transcarpathian TCC. The population opposes the system – some diplomatically, criticizing, and some – as recently in the Lviv region – shooting at the beads.

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Against the background of these and other scandals, the Ministry of Defense received a new minister. Who calls the reform of the TCC and JV activity one of the priorities in his position.

What Mykhailo Fedorov is planning and how large-scale the field is for his potential reform – we tried to understand this material.

Strategic horizon and political priorities The reform of the TCC is considered by the current leadership of the state not just as a change in regulations, but as the foundation of national stability. Mykhailo Fedorov during a speech in the Verkhovna Rada, on the eve of his appointment as Minister of Defense of Ukraine emphasizedthat after a comprehensive audit of the activities of TCC and JV, the Ministry will propose a systemic solution. This decision will allow to maintain the defense capability by eliminating the old problems.

It is positive and fundamentally important that the current Minister of Defense has finally publicly assumed political responsibility for the topic of mobilization, which during the entire full-scale war actually “flipped” between various departments and was de facto assigned to the Ground Forces without a proper legal mandate.

This year, the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine announced the beginning of the first public consultations in the history of the department regarding changes in the state’s defense policy. Offers to discuss a new document called “Green Paper: Strategic Directions, Challenges and New Defense Architecture“. And in this document, the difficult dilemma of choosing between the model of mass mobilization (quick, but exhausting effect) and a balanced approach, which requires a significant management resource, is recorded. And which approach will ultimately have the right to life – to be determined, in particular, by the new minister.

The President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyi also emphasized the importance of this line of work. Considers that large-scale changes are necessary, which will guarantee a fair distribution of personnel and a balance between the front and the economy.

Analysis of current infrastructure and digital progress As of November 2025, a network of 461 TCC and JV. The previous stage of reform (July 2025 – January 2026) under the leadership of Denys Shmyhal was based on digital transformation assembly systems, in particular thanks to:

• Ecosystem “Reserve+” – the platform reached 6 million users, allowing to eliminate paper document circulation and automate the extension of deferrals.
• Transparency tools – now TCC employees must use body cameras while working.

And the most technological successes, according to many – in particular, the head of the specialized committee of the VRU Oleksandr Zavitnevichto put it mildly, not enough. After all, mobilization, which the people often call “Busification” because of systemic inflections, requires larger-scale solutions.

Parliamentary control and limited access to information The peculiarities of the functioning of the TCC and SP are determined by the legal status of military administration bodies, which is inextricably linked with limited access to data, since information about defense classified as an official or state secret. And this is a reasonable approach, given the security risks of martial law.

However, the processes of mobilization and activities of the TCC and SP are subject to parliamentary supervision. So in March of last year created a separate Temporary Investigative Commission of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. And its members are people’s deputies, have access to the state secret of all degrees.

What did this commission find out in six months? In December 2025, she confirmed a preliminary report on his work for April-September. And that’s what it’s about.

From the good: TCC and JV introduce a system of exchange of experience between successful and unsuccessful units; the number of operators of the Unified State Register of conscripts, conscripts and reservists (“Oberig”) has increased.

From now on, the TCC and SP are governed by a special document – the Rules of Dialogue and Behavior of Military Servicemen of the TCC and SP. Selection criteria with requirements for candidates for managerial positions have also been developed. Dozens of heads of the TCC and SP were dismissed for violations, and hundreds of lower-ranking servicemen were dismissed or transferred to combat units or military units.

The commission also proposed a number of changes to the legislation: in particular, to strengthen the responsibility of local self-government bodies, enterprises, institutions and organizations for mobilization; expand the grounds for stopping a vehicle by police officers. And also strengthen responsibility for violations of legislation by the heads of the TCC and SP, heads and members of military medical commissions.

Not good. Analysis of TCC and JV activities in 2025 shows a deep gap between formal requests and real results. Let’s look at the example of interaction with the National Police. The police received a request from the TCC and SP to report more than one and a half million violators of military registration. Police delivered just over 200,000 (or 14 percent). And of these 14 percent, only 30 percent was mobilized! That is, the policy of force mobilization in this form does not justify itself.

So the system needs new approaches, not just strengthening sanctions for offenses.

What does the commission propose? 1. Construction of a new management architecture, which will include:

• Direct vertical subordination of the TCC and SP directly to the General Staff of the Armed Forces (now they are in the structure of the Ground Forces of the Armed Forces).
• The general coordination of mobilization should be assigned to a specialized unit of the Ministry of Defense.

2. Further digital and service transformation:

• Transforming mobilization into a transparent online service through a digital ecosystem.
• Delegation of the function of social support of veterans and families of the deceased to the Centers for the provision of administrative services

3. Introduction of anti-corruption safeguards:

• Introduction of the positions of internal security officers in regional TCCs and SPs with their subordination to the Military Law and Order Service of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
• Control over the implementation of photo and video recording at all stages of mobilization activities by representatives of the TCC and SP (during notification, military registration, issuance of military registration documents)

In summary, the reform of the TCC and SP in 2026 should ensure the transition from “mobilization at any cost” to a people-centered, legal model. Implementation of the recommendations of the Temporary Investigative Commission of the VRU will help create a system that will be both effective for the front and fair for society.

But further ignoring the accumulated problems can lead to a critical depletion of the demographic and economic resources of the state. And, of course, will create social tension. Which, quite likely, will develop from local skirmishes into large-scale clashes between law enforcement officers and the population.

A column is a type of material that reflects exclusively the point of view of the author. It does not claim objectivity and comprehensive coverage of the topic in question. The point of view of the editors of “Economic Pravda” and “Ukrainian Pravda” may not coincide with the author’s point of view. The editors are not responsible for the reliability and interpretation of the given information and perform exclusively the role of a carrier.